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d-20873House OversightOther

Flynn’s alleged Russian contacts and internal White House leaks amid Trump‑Era power dynamics

The passage hints at possible undisclosed communications between Michael Flynn and Russian actors, suggests internal leaks from White House or DOJ, and references senior officials (Trump, Flynn, Sally Flynn reportedly advised not to accept fees from Russia or Turkey, yet may have engaged anyway. Trump repeatedly assured Flynn of his support despite public narratives of doubt. A February 8, 2017 of

Date
November 11, 2025
Source
House Oversight
Reference
House Oversight #019963
Pages
1
Persons
1
Integrity
No Hash Available

Summary

The passage hints at possible undisclosed communications between Michael Flynn and Russian actors, suggests internal leaks from White House or DOJ, and references senior officials (Trump, Flynn, Sally Flynn reportedly advised not to accept fees from Russia or Turkey, yet may have engaged anyway. Trump repeatedly assured Flynn of his support despite public narratives of doubt. A February 8, 2017 of

Tags

russiamichael-flynndonald-trumpforeign-influencewashington-postjustice-departmentpolitical-loyaltywhite-house-leaksinternal-leaklegal-exposuremoderate-importancehouse-oversight

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Text extracted via OCR from the original document. May contain errors from the scanning process.
and anti-CIA crony, and the coauthor of Flynn’s book, whose daughter now worked for Flynn—advised Flynn that he ought not to accept fees from Russia or the larger “consulting” assignments from Turkey. It was in fact the sort of carelessness that almost everyone in Trump’s world, including the president and his family, was guilty of. They lived with parallel realities in which, while proceeding with a presidential campaign, they also had to live in a vastly more likely world—rather a certain world—in which Donald Trump would never be president. Hence, business as usual. In early February, an Obama administration lawyer friendly with Sally Yates remarked with some relish and considerable accuracy: “It certainly is an odd circumstance if you live your life without regard for being elected and then get elected—and quite an opportunity for your enemies.” In this, there was not only the Russian cloud hanging over the administration, but a sense that the intelligence community so distrusted Flynn, and so blamed its bad blood with Trump on him, that Flynn was the target here. Within the White House there was even a feeling that a soft trade was being implicitly offered: Flynn for the goodwill of the intelligence community. At the same time, in what some thought a direct result of the president’s rage over the Russia insinuations—particularly the insinuation about the golden shower—the president seemed to bond even more strongly with Flynn, assuring his National Security Advisor over and over again that he had his back, that the Russia accusations, those related both to Flynn and to himself, were “garbage.” After Flynn’s dismissal, a narrative describing Trump’s increasing doubts about his adviser would be offered to the press, but in fact the opposite was true: the more doubts gathered around Flynn, the more certain the president became that Flynn was his all-important ally. OOK Ok The final or deadliest leak during Michael Flynn’s brief tenure is as likely to have come from the National Security Advisor’s antagonists inside the White House as from the Justice Department. On Wednesday, February 8, the Washington Post’s Karen DeYoung came to visit Flynn for what was billed as an off-the-record interview. They met not in his office but in the most ornate room in the Eisenhower Executive Office Building—the same room where Japanese diplomats waited to meet with Secretary of State Cordell Hull as he learned of the attack on Pearl Harbor. To all outward appearances, it was an uneventful background interview, and DeYoung, Columbo-like in her affect, aroused no suspicions when she broached the de rigueur question: “My colleagues asked me to ask you this: Did you talk to the Russians about sanctions?”

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