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d-27088House OversightOther

Barak recounts campaign staffing and internal party dynamics

The passage provides anecdotal recollections of internal Labor Party campaign organization during Ehud Barak's 1999 election bid. It mentions no concrete allegations, financial transactions, or miscon Barak emphasizes his military background as an asset in the campaign. Mentions Haim Ramon’s interaction before a no‑confidence vote. Lists campaign staff and advisors such as Bougie Herzog, Aliza Gor

Date
November 11, 2025
Source
House Oversight
Reference
House Oversight #028157
Pages
1
Persons
1
Integrity
No Hash Available

Summary

The passage provides anecdotal recollections of internal Labor Party campaign organization during Ehud Barak's 1999 election bid. It mentions no concrete allegations, financial transactions, or miscon Barak emphasizes his military background as an asset in the campaign. Mentions Haim Ramon’s interaction before a no‑confidence vote. Lists campaign staff and advisors such as Bougie Herzog, Aliza Gor

Tags

political-staffingcampaign-strategylabor-partyehud-barakcampaign-organizationisraeli-politicshouse-oversight

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Text extracted via OCR from the original document. May contain errors from the scanning process.
/ BARAK / 23 Stanley was worried by polling data that suggested most Israelis saw Bibi as “strong.” I argued that strength was one area where we wouldn’t have to worry. “No way, in a campaign, he’ Il end up coming over looking stronger than me.” Stanley seemed not entirely convinced. Both in “strength” and other ways, I think my background did prove an advantage. The 35 years I’d spent in the military had given me a singleminded determination to set goals, follow through and achieve them. After Haim Ramon came to my office before the no-confidence vote to ask whether I was sure I wanted to go ahead, and I answered with an unhesitating “yes,” Haim had told a couple of reporters: “Barak has balls of steel.” In truth, I was puzzled he’d even asked me. As when I was in uniform, it would never have occurred to me to ask him to try to line up the necessary votes if I hadn’t thought it through and intended to go ahead with it. Still, my military background was not always an asset as I found my feet as party leader and prepared to take on Bibi in the election campaign. In searching for the tools, the structure, and the people I felt would give us the best chance to win, I sometimes failed to pay due attention to the party’s existing apparatus and institutions. This alienated a number of established Labor politicians, eventually including Haim himself. So as the campaign approached I tried to shore up my ties with the party establishment. I drafted in Bougie Herzog to act as my regular liaison with leading figures in the party. I was careful to include a number of Labor politicians in our campaign team as well, though, as Philip Gould had recommended, I made sure they didn’t actually run it. The closest equivalent to the role Haim had played in Peres’s campaign went to a young businessman, PR professional and Labor supporter named Moshe Gaon. As spokeswoman, we brought in someone who, though she’d been a messenger of doom during the Tze’elim controversy that engulfed me before joining Rabin’s government, had undeniable experience and ability which I valued and respected: Yitzhak’s former media aide Aliza Goren. As campaign coordinator, I chose Tal Silberstein, who at the time was in charge of a citizens’ group called Dor Shalem Doresh Shalom: “A Whole Generation Demands Peace.” I relied on frequent, less formal input from political friends whose judgement I had learned to trust, like Eitan Haber and Giora Eini. Also playing a key role was a group of four young women, led by Orna Angel, a successful architect and a former soldier in Sayeret Matkal. She built from scratch an army of nearly 20,000 volunteers who helped 309

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